Court File No. T-567-96
7. I first met Grant Bristow within a week of returning to Canada
at a meeting at the Nationalist Party in the house of its leader Don Andrews.
This was in April of 1989. Bristow was an investigator with a large multinational
company called Kuhne and Nagel. He was a skilled and competent investigator.
I was told that Bristow had first come onto the scene in November of 1988
when he appeared at a meeting of the Nationalist Party in Don Andrews'
house. No one knew him but he volunteered to do investigative work for
Andrews and the party and train people.
8. Bristow took an immediate interest in me and we subsequently became close friends. Shortly thereafter I obtained employment with Al Overfield's company Accurate Bailiff Services repossessing automobiles and doing skip tracing (locating people who have left no forwarding address). Bristow helped me in locating automobiles which had been missing for quite some time. That in turn provided me with extra bonuses which helped get me back on my feet financially. This helped me tremendously because I had returned to Canada from prison with $57.00 and the clothes on my back.
9. I went to Libya accompanied by Grant Bristow in August of 1989 along with a delegation of Nationalist Party members. On the return trip, I was detained at O'Hare Airport in Chicago for allegedly violating the United States immigration laws. Bristow arranged a lawyer for me and contacted a Canadian consulate official in an attempt to have me released. He provided $1,000.00 to the lawyer. Part of the money was his and the rest was solicited by him from other members of the Nationalist Party. With the help he arranged, I was released within about forty-eight hours. Bristow's help sealed our friendship as it made me feel confident in his abilities.
10. Bristow and I spent a large amount of time together tracking cars during which time the ideas were discussed of forming an organization fighting for white rights. Bristow was instrumental in urging me to seek an alternative to Don Andrews' Nationalist Party. He said that Andrews wasn't even white and never seemed to get anywhere with his white racialist message. He said that an organization needed to be founded which would take the racialist movement into the 1990s by using videotapes, seminars to upgrade people's speaking skills, use of computers, and techniques that are used by major political parties in attracting the masses to our cause.
11. The goal of the new organization was to be an advocacy group for white rights. Bristow and I felt that present immigration was detrimental to the interests of the country because it would eventually turn Canada into a non-white nation. And with it, our institutions would be altered in such a way as to become unrecognizable to the founding people. This would lower the quality of life as we know it. We opposed equity hiring as we viewed it as disadvantaging whites who are essentially the founding people of this nation. (In fact, one of the chief election promises of the Ontario Conservative Party in 1995 was the repeal of these laws and they have in fact now been repealed. The Heritage Front may have played a part in raising public consciousness about these issues by the large amount of publicity we generated.)
12. I am not a white supremacist. We are racial nationalists whose eventual goal would be the creation of an exclusively white state for those wishing to live in an area among their own kind. Our intention was and is to lobby legally and publicly in achieving our goals without any violence. We do not wish to dominate or subjugate any other race but do believe that separation of the races is our only way of preserving our race which we believe to be the most unique on the face of the planet. Bristow appeared to be sincere in these beliefs.
13. The name "The Heritage Front" was decided upon by myself, Grant Bristow and Gerry Lincoln. We were the three founding members of the organization.
14. The HF was officially founded in the fall of 1989 by registering the name with the Ministry of Consumer and Commercial Affairs in Ontario. It was registered by James Dawson.
15. I was the leader of the HF, Gerry Lincoln was the secretary and Bristow was in charge of security and all legal matters which were to arise because of his para-legal training. Initially, there were about twelve or fifteen supporters. Actual memberships were not issued until the beginning of 1993.
16. The HF was initially financed by the three founding members
who each donated hundreds of dollars. Bristow gave more money than either
myself or Gerry Lincoln. Over the years he used his own camcorder, computer
and other electronic devices in furthering the activity of the HF. Videos
made on his camcorder and a camcorder provided by Dawson were sold to raise
funds for the HF. On his computer, Bristow networked with other organizations
using e-mail such as Tony MacAleer, Terry Long among others. Terry Long
provided Bristow with information as to who he viewed as being "enemies."
Bristow kept files of this information. Bristow used his other electronic
devices for surveillance of anti-racists.
17. Bristow obtained a flight for me to Vancouver in 1990 and also provided on various occasions rental cars and paid for travel expenses. He also paid for trips to Ottawa, Montreal, Windsor and Kitchener by paying for gas, rental cars, hotel rooms and meals. Payment for the meals was a big contribution by Bristow especially during court cases which were frequent. He would pay for me, the lawyers and supporters, sometimes paying for up to twelve or fifteen people for meals and drinks at restaurants. Some of these meals were at fairly expensive places where the bill would come to about $150 or more. Especially when the lawyers were taken out, Bristow would pay up to $100 for the four of us for a meal. Bristow helped pay for copying and printing expenses for business cards, stationary with letterheads, pamphlets and later helped put up money for "Up Front," the magazine HF produced. He contributed funds for "Up Front" until the magazine became self-financing. As time went on, Bristow paid out more and more money for HF. When the "Equal Rights for Whites Hotline" set up by Ken Barker needed funding, Bristow provided hundreds of dollars for telephone bills. Many of the people attracted to the HF were young and had little money. We met them in public places such as restaurants and Bristow frequently picked up the tab for these young people.
18. For the first two years, HF built infrastructure by setting up a hotline, developing pamphlets, getting a post office box and building some membership. At the beginning by contacting other known like-minded individuals we were able to fill necessary positions in the organization. Some of that was achieved by travelling to other parts of Canada and networking with others (Ottawa, Montreal, Vancouver, Calgary) which Bristow substantially paid for out of his own funds.
19. Bristow was a para-legal and helped in a number of cases in which HF people were involved. This included myself, Ken Barker, the Fischer brothers, Les Jasinski and others. Bristow would try to arrange bail, and help the lawyers in preparing the cases. He was heavily involved in the Canadian Human Rights Tribunal case by doing legal research and even represented me at a Ministry of Consumer Affairs tribunal review of my bailiff license. He would also represent some supporters in traffic cases for free.
20. In September of 1991, the HF held its
first public meeting in Toronto. About one hundred people attended. Bristow
spoke to the meeting for the purpose of raising funds and updating the
supporters on the latest activities. I spoke and gave the reasons why we
had to fight for this cause. Paul Fromm of C-FAR (Citizens for Foreign
Aid Reform) was our guest speaker and addressed the issue of immigration.
21. Bristow spoke at all other subsequent meetings for the purpose of raising funds for the HF. The funds were used primarily for fighting the legal battles before the Canadian Human Rights Commission. He fired up the crowd by denigrating our opponents and ridiculing them.
22. Later in 1991, our first issue of HF's magazine "Up Front" was published. HF has now published nineteen issues of the magazine on an irregular basis. The magazine deals with issues such as immigration, crime, racial matters, ideology and the transformation of Canada. The magazine has never faced a complaint from the authorities.
23. HF believed that the most fertile ground for members was in the schools. The kids were facing racial problems in the schools yet the school authorities and their parents were out of touch with issues which effected them such as equity hiring, affirmative action and violence in the schools. They felt alienated and disenfranchised and felt no voice spoke on their behalf. Instead, a guilt trip was always laid on them by the schools that whites were responsible for all the ills of the world. The schools always tried to raise the self-esteem of non-whites but the concerns of white students were never addressed. HF had exceptional success in attracting these young people. They would call up the HF hotline and after listening to several messages would leave their names and addresses. At later meetings, HF would attract up to 200 people, mostly young people.
24. In early 1992, the Human Rights Commission at the behest
of Rodney Bobiwash, laid a complaint against the HF telephone hotline.
These proceedings were not resolved until 1994 when I signed an agreement
with the Canadian Human Rights Commission not to run messages on the hotline
which incited hatred or contempt against identifiable groups.
25. Proceedings against the HF Hotline led to demonstrations and disturbances by anti-racists starting in August of 1992. Bristow felt that it was necessary to monitor our opposition. In time, it led to harassment of our opponents. Bristow was instrumental in orchestrating the harassment campaign. He broke into telephone answering machines of anti-racists, had people harass the opposition over the phone, and put people under surveillance. The harassment was very extensive. He seemed to spend a considerable amount of time in these activities. He probably involved over a dozen members of HF in these activities.
26. I never stopped the harassment campaign because Bristow was a founding member of HF who contributed substantially to the organization. He was an indispensable member of the organization and had his own faction which supported his actions.
27. One person he instructed in harassment techniques and providing names and telephone numbers was HF member Elisse Hategan. Hategan was involved extensively in the harassment campaign by telephoning people. Later, however, Hategan told me that her voice had been recognized by an Anti-Racist Action member Ruth MacKenzie. This frightened her and she wanted to drop out of the harassment activities. Bristow, however, told her to continue the harassment. This led to her attempting suicide at which time she contacted Ruth MacKenzie and formed a friendship with her. Thereafter, MacKenzie introduced her to Martin Theriault who wanted her to provide information on the HF to his organization in Montreal. After meeting Theriault, Hategan informed me what had happened. In February or March of 1993, Hategan began keeping notes on Bristow's activities and tried to research his background. She had become suspicious of his activities. Hategan told me that Bristow was pressuring her into continuing the harassment activities against her will and he threatened her with a "white van ride" in the summer of 1993. This was a reference to the Tyrone Mason kidnapping incident where the Fisher brothers and Drew Maynard picked Mason up in a white van, and beat him and threatened him with death.
28. I confronted Bristow with this accusation by Hategan. Bristow denied the threat and said she was unstable. I believed Bristow at the time because he seemed more reliable. Later, Hategan told Bristow about keeping notes on him at which time Bristow sought me out and asked me to organize a party to break into and ransack her residence to retrieve her notes on him. I declined. This was the first time that Bristow was ever agitated with a decision of mine. Bristow was a person who was frequently at odds with people but this was the first time he had become visibly angry with me. He said he had done a lot for the movement and individuals, and gone to a lot of expense in doing so, but all people ever did was question his motives and character. The second time he became upset with me was when our lawyer pressed Hategan in cross-examination (in the Federal Court where I was facing contempt charges) on harassment activities which led to Bristow's role being exposed.
29. Today I am convinced that Bristow in fact threatened Hategan because she refused further involvement in the harassment campaign.
30. In January of 1993, Hategan was charged with inciting hatred under the Criminal Code. She had distributed a flyer comparing a black man with a gorilla. The flyer contained the name and address of a known anti-racist as being the person responsible for the flyer. It was Bristow who provided the name and address of the anti-racist for the flyer. Bristow told me that the anti-racist individual received harassment due to the flyer and was forced to move out of her home. He was amused by these developments.
31. The harassment campaign led the HF astray from its objective of lobbying for white rights. Instead, it caused dissension in the organization because of constant conflicts with our extremist opposition. Some people in the HF started to ask what the agenda of the HF really was - was it just to attack groups on the left which were basically insignificant or was it to be a lobby group for white rights and trying to change government policy? It caused people with sensitive jobs to reconsider their membership and support and to tone down public support.
32. In April of 1994, Bristow told me that the hate charges against Hategan were going to be dropped because the anti-racists were no longer willing to testify against her after her defection and testimony against Gary Schipper, Ken Barker and myself. He was proven correct in this.
33. In 1991, Bristow, Sean McGuire and I were having lunch in Scarborough. I left but within a minute of my leaving, a police swat team effected a take-down of the car containing Bristow and McQuire. A rifle and shotgun were found in the trunk of Bristow's car. Bristow always carried these guns in the trunk. I had seen them there many times before. Both were taken to 41 Division Police Station. McGuire was held for possible immigration violations but was eventually released and voluntarily returned to the United States. Bristow was held for a short time. He telephoned me at the bailiff's office which was located a short distance from the police station. I met him at the police station and he told me what had transpired. He told me the police were really pissed off at him but they couldn't "make anything stick" so they were releasing him. Some people in the movement were surprised he was not charged with unsafe storage of firearms.
34. In May of 1993, the computer of the Church of the Creator, a group affiliated with HF, was stolen when the house was left unguarded on a night an HF concert took place. Bristow was not at the concert which was extremely unusual as he always attended all HF events in the city of Toronto as security chief. This was the first event he had missed.
35. The day after the theft, Bristow made accusations against Tyrone Mason who had left the concert early that evening. Bristow claimed that Mason had a record for computer theft and had previously been charged with possession of stolen goods. The Fisher brothers informed me that Bristow suggested to them that they had to retrieve the computer. Bristow agitated what was already a very volatile situation at the time.
36. The Fischer brothers and Drew Mason were later charged with kidnapping, forcible confinement, assault causing bodily harm, threatening death after picking Mason up in a white van and beating him to obtain information about the computer. They told me that they concluded that Mason had not stolen the computer. After release on bail, Eric Fischer told me that Bristow suggested that it must be George Burdi who was responsible for the theft. Bristow went as far as suggesting that Burdi should be killed.
37. The computer contained the names of members and supporters of the Church of the Creator and some HF members who were members of the Canadian military forces. A controversy had erupted in the House of Commons just weeks prior to the theft about racism in the military.
38. Bristow was accused of witness tampering by the police. The lawyers for the Fischer brothers told me that in a chambers hearing the police made accusations that Bristow, along with two other individuals, might be witness tampering. The police had attempted to wiretap Mason in an effort to obtain evidence against Bristow but Bristow refused to meet with Mason and sent someone in his place.
39. At trial, Drew Maynard's charges were dismissed for delay. The lawyers for the Fischer brothers (Harry Doan and George Wootten) informed me that they were called to a meeting with the prosecutors in the chambers of ***** **** ***** who was not the presiding judge in the case. Nevertheless, ***** offered a deal to the lawyers - if the Fischer brothers pleaded guilty they would receive a 30 day sentence, if they did not plead guilty they would be put away for a long time. The Fisher brothers accepted the deal.
40. Tyrone Mason expressed to me his shock at the light sentence the Fischer brothers received. He told me he had not been consulted about the plea bargain. The police detective in the matter, Det. McPherson expressed to me outside the courtroom his outrage at the outcome.
41. On the evening that Gary Schipper's house was trashed by the Anti-Racist Action, Bristow urged HF supporters who had gathered at Allen Gardens to send a message to the ARA. He urged them to go to Sneaky Dees, a bar frequented by the ARA, to let them know that the HF was not going to be intimidated by their actions. As a result, about forty supporters went to the bar and had drinks. After most of them had left, a fight broke out outside between a large group of ARA supporters and a few remaining HF supporters. As I was leaving Sneaky Dees in my car, I saw a lone HF member being attacked by about twelve to fifteen ARA supporters. I jumped out of my car and ran to the defence of the HF member. The fight turned into a huge brawl involving up to seventy people. I was later charged and convicted of aggravated assault and acquitted of weapons dangerous. The aggravated assault charge was reduced to assault on appeal.
42. Bristow's actions contributed to a climate in Toronto which a Toronto Sun editorial expressed as the city being held hostage by these warring factions. Violent clashes occurred between the HF and extremist anti-racist groups fuelled by Bristow's harassment campaign.
43. I believed we had to have dialogue with our opposition. At one time at Toronto City Hall I was speaking to Marvin Kurz of B'nai Brith when Bristow came up to us and started to confront him and be extremely rude and threatening. Kurz fled in fear and sought protection.
44. SIRC found on page
5.2 of the "Heritage Front Affair" that I requested Z¸ndel
to provide information to be forwarded to Terry Long on various "enemies."
This is completely untrue. I never made any such request to Z¸ndel.
45. To my knowledge, Z¸ndel works with all races in his day to day business affairs. Z¸ndel's printer for many years is Chinese and I have had dinner with him and Z¸ndel. Z¸ndel allowed a black woman who needed a temporary place to stay after losing her home to stay in his Toronto home for seven months. I have met two East Indians at Z¸ndel's house who work closely with him on research projects. I met a Jewish man named David Cole from California who has worked closely with Z¸ndel on historical revisionist matters. Ernst Z¸ndel cannot be defined as a "white supremacist" or a "racist." His preoccupation is undoing wrongs which he perceives have been committed against the German nation.
46. Don Andrews, leader of the Nationalist Party, has expressed dislike of Z¸ndel and criticized him. He stated often to people that Z¸ndel was nothing but a German chauvinist who was only on the periphery of the right wing until he was charged with spreading false news, lost his business and was forced to fight. Only then out of necessity, did Andrews believe Z¸ndel had become a full-time activist. Andrews believed Z¸ndel was concerned only with the German issue of the Holocaust and not with the issues that concerned the right wing - immigration, loss of culture, equity hiring and so on. Andrews said that Germans should never be leaders in the movement because they were arrogant, snobbish and had little understanding of anyone else. Andrews said Z¸ndel was strictly out for himself and provided little or no help to any like-minded organization. This made Andrews angry because he felt Z¸ndel had the resources to provide help to organizations such as his own but did not. Andrews said that if Z¸ndel could reverse course he would gladly do so.
47. Bristow initially thought Z¸ndel was a kook and a nut as did most members of the Nationalist Party due to Andrews' influence. Andrews poisoned a number of other people against Z¸ndel. I introduced Bristow to Z¸ndel in 1989 and thereafter he changed his opinion of Z¸ndel. Bristow later spoke of Z¸ndel in an admiring fashion. The Holocaust was not an issue for Bristow. He always expressed very anti-Jewish sentiments and went so far as to say that the Holocaust wouldn't have been a bad idea.
48. I have known Ernst Z¸ndel since 1975 and I have never heard him promote or suggest violent means to attain his goals. He in fact has admonished me on a number of occasions over the years for involving myself in activity which he deemed improper. On the night Gary Schipper's house was trashed by the Anti-Racist Action, Z¸ndel urged me not to take retaliatory measures. He said, "Don't do something stupid you are going to regret." In the last few years I have tried to stay away from radical activities because of Z¸ndel's influence.
49. SIRC investigators called me about the Heritage Front Affair
in early November of 1994. I met with them in Toronto for a period of about
three or four hours. The interview was extensive.
50. I was then asked later in the month to travel to Ottawa to be interviewed by SIRC. On the trip I was accompanied by Al Overfield, the attorneys Harry Doan and George Wootten. Overfield was interviewed in the morning and I was heard in the afternoon for about two and a half hours. Near five o'clock, the Chairman asked me if there was anything else. I pointed out to the tribunal that I could go for quite some time to which Eddie Goodman of SIRC replied, "Please don't."
51. I feel serious issues were never adequately addressed in SIRC's report on the Heritage Front Affair such as the theft of the computer or the possible witness tampering by Bristow in the Fischer brothers trial.
52. I believe the report is an utter sham. I recognize nothing of what I or any of the people I spoke to about their testimony told SIRC. SIRC accepted Bristow's version of events completely. Bristow is not in any way held accountable for the harassment activity which he orchestrated. In fact, the blame is shifted to me. For example, SIRC wrote "The Heritage Front then became more militant as Droege wished to increase the confrontations with his opponents...Bristow, in his position with the Heritage Front, carried out Droege's instructions in regard to a harassment campaign and also informed the anti-racists that a Heritage Front event was planned." (4.4 at page 9) This is false. I never participated in, ordered or instructed any harassment of our opponents.
53. SIRC claims at page 7 of "Methodology" that "We also held five full days of formal hearings under oath, during which we questioned the principal players in the affair." This is simply not the case. Only one of the principal players in the HF, namely myself, was ever called to Ottawa to testify. Yet others who worked closely with Bristow were never called. People such as Ken Barker, Peter Mitrevski, Eric Fisher, Elkar Fisher, George Burdi, Marc Lemire, Les Jasinski, Gary O'Neil, Becky Primrose and many others never were called to Ottawa by SIRC. Nor did any one of them ever indicate to me that they were interviewed by SIRC investigators. Each one, I believe, could have provided vital evidence about Bristow's activities.
54. The report is incomplete in the sense that many people who should have been interviewed were not. Some like Gary Schipper, Gerry Lincoln, Max French and others were interviewed only days prior to the release of the report. These individuals informed me of this themselves. Al Overfield also testified but he is not a member of HF.
55. The anti-racists refused to testify before SIRC because they wanted legal representation and SIRC refused to pay. Because of this, SIRC failed to get vital testimony about the harassment campaign and Bristow's role in it. Therefore, the only sources viewed as being credible were Bristow and CSIS. In my opinion, the report is biased and unbalanced and does not present the truth.
56. In "I. Overview of the Extreme Right" SIRC writes that right wing extremist groups "fundamental agreement is the conviction that whites (aryans) are an endangered species. These beliefs lead, in turn, to their attitudes which are: anti-Semitic; anti-non whites; anti-immigration/refugee; anti-democratic; pro-free speech for racist or anti-Semitic ideas; anti-human rights; and anti-gay." This is an inaccurate description of the HF's goals and beliefs. HF believes in democracy and the right of the majority to determine policy; it is pro-free speech for everyone and has never suggested that free speech should be limited for anyone; HF is not anti-human rights but believes the human rights laws are applied selectively against whites; HF does not agree with the open promotion of the homosexual lifestyle but does not believe in the creation of laws to outlaw it; HF believes the public should have input into immigration policy through referendums; it believes that the present immigration policy will change the character of Canada and that these policies were enacted without the consent of the public; HF believes many Jewish organizations are working against the best interests of Canada and therefore HF objects to their constant undermining of majority opinion on issues such as equity hiring and immigration. The HF is open to Jews who support its viewpoint. Even though I gave testimony before SIRC about HF's policies and goals, SIRC seems adamant in believing biased media reports about the HF and relies on information from people such as Stanley Barrett and Warren Kinsella who are self-admitted opponents of the white racialist movement and whose books are full of inaccuracies. For example, SIRC writes at 1.2 at page 3 that "Andrews had the dubious distinction of being the first person in Canada charged with wilfully promoting hatred", citing Kinsella as its authority. This is not true. The first person charged under the hate law was Armand Siksna.
57. SIRC writes at page 4 of 1.2 that I was "instrumental in increasing the membership in the group [Ku Klux Klan] to an estimated 2,500 in 1980" citing Kinsella again as its source. This figure is ludicrous. The real figure was about 150 at its highest level.
58. SIRC writes at 1.3 that "Other neo-Nazi skinhead groups such as the Aryan Resistance Movement and the Alberta-based Final Solution Skinheads are organizing and finding a place in the extreme-right network in Canada," citing Kinsella as its source. This information is false. Both organizations had been defunct since about 1990 or 1991.
59. SIRC writes at 3.2.4 at page 5 that "Don Andrews conducted a special meeting. His 'Androids' were invited to his mansion." Andrews did not call his supporters "androids". Andrews does not live in a "mansion" but in a small, east-end working class Toronto semi-detached house. This is typical of the hyperbole used by SIRC throughout the report.
60. SIRC describes at 3.2.4 at page 5 how the HF was allegedly formed and what its goals were. This is full of falsehoods. The name "White Heritage Foundation" was never considered. There was no covert side to the proposed organization. I had no intention of targetting a specific country or area and using "whatever persuasive methods or inducements necessary to convince non-whites to leave the area" as alleged by SIRC quoting Bristow. There was no such thing as "the Brethren" as described by SIRC. This fabrication is repeated at 3.3.5 at page 12. I did not "consider" Gerry Lincoln and Bristow for positions in the organization. Both in fact were co-founders of the HF.
61. SIRC writes at 3.3.1 at page 7 that I told Max French to "shut your mouth." I never made this statement to Max French.
62. SIRC writes at 3.3.2 that on the trip to Libya we were "allowed to reside in Camp Kadhafi some miles from Tripoli." We stayed at a camp with a number of self-contained units. We referred to it humorously as "Camp Kadhafi" but that was not its real name. Bristow's reports were obviously spiced up with references like "Camp Kadhafi" to make the situation more exotic than it really was. Bristow embellished his reports as if he were writing a novel.
63. SIRC writes at 3.3.3 at page 9 that "Droege wanted to stay on the plane and fly back to Rome, but the aircraft Captain told him either to get off or be charged with piracy...They were strip-searched and had their body cavities probed for contraband." The Captain never threatened me with charges of piracy. He stated that if I did not get off the plane the police would be called to have me forcibly removed. Again, the use of the word "piracy" by Bristow is an embellishment on what really occurred. No one had their body cavities probed for contraband. I was strip-searched but no other person in the group told me that they were strip-searched. The falsehood about body searches is repeated at 3.3.4 by SIRC.
64. SIRC writes at 3.3.4 that "Droege was released and driven to Niagara Falls by the American authorities at night." This is not true. I was flown from Chicago to Detroit and driven from the airport to Windsor. From there I took a bus to Toronto. This indicates Bristow's information to CSIS was inaccurate.
65. SIRC writes at 3.3.5 at page 12 that "Droege...said the HF...will use the group to 'clandestinely forward the white supremacist movement.'" I never made this statement and do not use the phrase "white supremacist" to describe the HF. I do not subscribe to a "white supremacist" philosophy but to a white nationalist philosophy.
66. SIRC writes at 3.3.5 at page 12 that "...Droege also formed the October 2nd Committee, 'an active measures commando unit to be run by him and to use selected skinheads." This is an outright fabrication. No such "commando unit" was ever contemplated or formed. There was no "military or direct action wing" as alleged by SIRC in this same paragraph. These loaded terms are suggestive of violence and terror.
67. SIRC writes at 3.3.5 at page 12 that "Droege intended to unite under the Heritage Front those persons in Canada who were associated with The Order, the Ku Klux Klan and the Aryan Nations.. The Front would be the primary vehicle for 'furthering the white supremacist movement in Canada.'" This is untrue as we were trying to seek out new people in a new organization that average Canadians could identify with. Again, I do not use the term "white supremacist" and the HF was not a "white supremacist" organization.
68. SIRC writes at 3.3.5 at page 12 that I wanted to buy land in Peterborough area, control the town council and try to legislate racist by-laws. This is a total fabrication.
69. At 3.3.5 at page 13, SIRC noted that I denied all that was stated in the first full paragraph. However, SIRC did not accept my statements.
70. SIRC repeats the allegation about a "commando cell" at 3.3.5 at page 13. No such "commando cell" existed or was even contemplated. These ideas only existed in Bristow's imagination.
71. SIRC accepted Bristow's allegations at 3.3.5 that I wanted to fund the HF with money from robbing drug dealers. I never promoted these ideas for the HF.
72. SIRC writes at 4.1 that "We learned that...Droege...and others were responsible for disrupting a television broadcast . The program was aired on TV Ontario and dealt with racism issues. During the telephone-in portion of the program, the Heritage Front group was able to partially tie up the telephone lines, and they 'were also able to start a number of arguments with the guest panel and state their white supremacist views.'" SIRC thus describes as "disrupting" a TV program, the actions of HF members in calling a phone-in TV show. It is not illegal to express legal opinions on a phone-in show. SIRC repeats the falsehood that HF's policies were "white supremacist."
73. SIRC writes at 4.1 that "Droege told Bristow about plans to distribute leaflets at schools. They also discussed 'spray painting (anti-white slogans) and vandalism operations' to discredit anti-racists..." I never advocated these activities.
74. SIRC writes at 4.2 at page 2 that "Droege established a 'computer link' with Terry Long, although this means of communication was short-lived." I never owned a computer and therefore I did not establish a computer link with Long. Bristow owned a computer and he communicated with Long using it. He maintained this link until Long went into hiding.
75. SIRC writes at 4.2 at page 3 that "In May 1991, Terry Long, Wolfgang Droege and Grant Bristow met to discuss, among other issues, the establishment of a bulletin board (BBS) hate line similar to one in the United States." I never met Terry Long in the company of Grant Bristow. HF did not set up a "hate line." Of literally several hundreds of messages on HF's telephone hotline, no message has ever been adjudicated to be hate. No HF member has ever been convicted of inciting hatred under the Criminal Code.
76. SIRC writes at 4.2 that "During the June Mississauga rally, Grant Bristow served as an escort/bodyguard for Preston Manning, at the direction of Al Overfield and Wolfgang Droege." This is untrue. Bristow suggested and insisted that he should be Manning's bodyguard due to his experience in that field.
77. SIRC writes at 4.2 at page 3 that "On June 19, 1991, Droege's racist agenda was profiled...In that month, violent United States white supremacist, Tom Metzger came to Canada at the invitation of Droege to attend a Heritage Front rally." Metzger did not come to Canada in 1991. He came in June of 1992.
78. SIRC writes at 4.2 at page 4 that "Droege wanted Bristow to make contact with other white supremacists" in the United States. This is false. It was Bristow who wanted to make contact with other white nationalist groups and leaders. He used my name in making contact. SIRC uses the false description "white supremacist" again. I do not use the term "white supremacist" and do not subscribe to "white supremacist" philosophy.
79. SIRC writes at 4.2 at page 4 that "The Heritage Front's telephone Hate Line was established by the Fall of 1991." HF's telephone hot line was and is not a "Hate Line." This is a loaded propaganda term used by SIRC to vilify HF. No member of HF has ever been convicted of inciting hatred which is an indictable offence.
80. SIRC writes at 4.2 at page 5 that "In December 1991, American racist Dennis Mahon entered Canada to speak to a Heritage Front meeting." Dennis Mahon did not come to Canada until February 1992 to address a HF meeting.
81. SIRC writes at 4.3 at page 5 that "In 1992, the Front branched out. In January of that year, Bristow was sent to Montreal by Droege 'for the purpose of feeling out the White Supremacist movement there.'" I never sent Bristow to Montreal. He travelled there on his own accord. SIRC again uses the false description "white supremacist." I do not use the term "white supremacist" and do not subscribe to "white supremacist" philosophy.
82. SIRC writes at 4.3 at page 7 that "In 1992, the Heritage Front members, on the instructions of Droege, were using the telephone numbers they had acquired to make increasingly violent threats against anti-racists." This is false. I did not instruct HF members to make telephone or any other kind of threat against anti-racists. Bristow was the person responsible for the harassment campaign.
83. SIRC writes at 4.4 at page 8 that "Bristow provided some names to Alan Overfield, under instruction from Droege." This is false. I never asked Bristow to provide names to Overfield. If Bristow did, he did so on his own initiative.
84. SIRC writes at 4.4 at page 9 that "The Heritage Front then became more militant as Droege wished to increase the confrontations with his opponents." This is false. I never wished to increase the confrontations. I did not want any confrontations because it was counter-productive to the HF's goals.
85. SIRC writes at 4.4 at page 9 that "Bristow, in his position with the Heritage Front, carried out Droege's instructions in regard to a harassment campaign...." This is false. I did not instruct Bristow on the harassment campaign. The harassment was Bristow's own idea and doing.
86. SIRC writes at 5.2 that "Droege established a computer link with Long, and the first successful test message took place..." I did not own a computer and therefore made no electronic link with Long. Bristow owned a computer and was in constant contact with Long.
87. SIRC writes at 5.2 at page 2 that "Ernst Z¸ndel sometimes provided information, at Droege's request, to be forwarded to Long. The information concerned various 'enemies.'" This is false. I never asked Z¸ndel to provide information on "enemies."
88. SIRC writes at 5.2 at page 2 that "In July 1991, the Source obtained and provided to CSIS a listing of personal information which Droege received from Terry Long." This is false. I never received any such list from Long.
89. SIRC writes at 5.3 at page 3 that the HF set up a "Hate Line." This term is used by SIRC to vilify HF and discredit it as a "hate" group. No member of HF has ever been convicted of inciting hatred.
90. SIRC writes at 5.5 at page 5 that I "talked about 'spray painting and vandalism operations'..." This is false. I opposed spray painting and vandalism.
91. SIRC writes at 5.7 at page 9 that ..."Droege wanted all the participating HF members to pbone ARA people and actually threaten them with bodily harm." This is false. I did not participate in or instruct anyone to harass HF opponents.
92. SIRC writes at 5.9.6 at page 22 that "Later, said the Source, they all went to Z¸ndel's house. Droege wanted a beer, but Z¸ndel did not approve and said that everyone should go home. Droege was upset, but Z¸ndel was not; it was not his house that had been trashed." This is false. Bristow knew very well that I do not drink. We did not go to Sneaky Dees "for a beer" as alleged by SIRC. Sneaky Dees was the hang out of the anti-racists. We went there for the purpose of showing we were not intimidated by their trashing of Gary Schipper's house. It is not true that "Bristow told the HF people to settle down." In fact, Bristow agitated supporters to go to Sneaky Dees although he did not advocate violence.
93. SIRC writes at 5.9.9 at page 25 that I might have slashed a woman's tires although they have no evidence for this allegation. I never slashed anyone's tires. This is another example of defamatory statements against me by SIRC.
94. SIRC writes at 5.10.4 that at an anti-hate symposium in 1993 "Droege and Burdi asked some abusive questions implying that Jews were racist. Wolfgang Droege asked most of the questions." I did not ask "abusive" questions but politely asked questions of Karen Mock of B'nai Brith. To ask questions is part of public discourse and democracy. To use the word "abusive" implies rudeness and hostility. I was neither. I believe this again shows SIRC's bias against HF and the right wing.
95. This is not a complete list of errors, omissions and misrepresentations in the SIRC report. There are many others but are too numerous to list in an affidavit.